Reposted with the permmission of the author, Jill Stewart.
[part 3]
"The group was charting new ground, and we wanted an inspirational
document," recalls Jerry Treadway, a non-voting committee member, author
for Holt, Rinehart & Winston, and a professor at San Diego State. "I
remember specific meetings at which Mel Grubb and other whole language
proponents convinced everyone that there was no distinction between
learning how to read as a first-grader, and the way a mature reader
would handle the printed word. We decided that until we got kids to deal
with language the way it is used by adults, as a whole thought, our
reading programs wouldn't work."
Outside the insular debates of the committee, a revolution was
brewing in the classrooms that would soon work its way into their talks.
Whole language gurus like Ken and Yetta Goodman, professors at the
University of Arizona, were selling the romantic notion that childhood
reading was a "natural" act which was being repressed by teachers hooked
on low-level issues like word recognition, letters and sounds. Whole
language, the Goodmans and others claimed, was a smash in New
Zealand--but no rigorous evaluation of that country's gradeschool
reading levels had been conducted. They instead relied heavily upon
their own poorly tested ideas, as well as the beliefs of theorists such
as Frank Smith, whose book, "Reading Without Nonsense", urged teachers
not to "interfere" with a child's learning of reading. "There are no
rules of reading," Smith wrote, insisting that small children don't need
phonics skills to "identify words they have not met in print before" and
that "spelling has nothing to do with reading."
Unfortunately, whole language theorists were promoting such
beliefs without the benefit of controlled studies or methodologically
accepted research. According to articles published in 1995 by the
respected American Federation of Teachers, to date, no meaningful
research has ever verified their claims. "The movement's anti-science
attitude forces research findings into the backroom," the Federation's
articles noted. Ominously, the Federation noted, the primary tenet of
whole language philosophy, that learning to read is akin to learning to
speak, "is accepted by no responsible linguist, psychologist or
cognitive scientist in the research community."
Nevertheless, Treadway remembers how whole language thinking
overtook California's framework committee discussions. "We underwent a
real interesting perceptual shift in the meetings, and what we finally
stated, almost derisively, is that in the traditional reading approach,
the emphasis is on mere accuracy," Treadway says. "We said, `How absurd
it is to care about individual words and accuracy!' Under whole
language, the rule was efficiency of the mind: Get the meaning using the
least perception possible. Skip words. Absorb ideas instead. At the
time, it sounded great."
But tension began to arise over draft language that soft pedaled
the need to teach basic reading skills. At one point, Elfrieda Hiebert,
an author on reading, cautioned the group about relying on "gut
feelings." The noted Harvard researcher and author Jean Chall met with
Honig, spelling out her key findings about how gradeschool children
actually learn to read--by the careful decoding of each and every
letter, sound and word, until it can be done seamlessly and without
effort. According to the textbook author who has asked not to be named,
Honig relayed to the framework committee Chall's concern that, "given
the number of at-risk children in California who faced a possible
lifetime as poor readers, we were playing with fire by dropping the
teaching of specific reading skills. But Chall's findings were
completely ignored."
One day, then-state curriculum official Francine Alexander made
a well-received presentation in which she urged the group to seek
statewide adoption of storybooks similar to the Impressions series from
Holt Canada, which were filled with literature instead of traditional
reading text. The group quickly warmed to Alexander's proposal. "We all
said, how could we have been such fools?" recalls Treadway. "Of course
if we give children great literature, fascinating stories, and wonderful
tales, it will stimulate them to read."
Once the core idea of using storybooks rather than textbooks
swept through, Treadway says, "phonics became a huge scapegoat. The
secondary teachers were saying, `Hey, you gradeschool guys are killing
these kids' interest in learning with all your obsession with phonics.'
And the elementary teachers on the committee bought into that, because
they really loved the literature books and were bored by the old
primers. What we forgot is that a lot of California teenagers do hate
high school, and they do hate reading, but it's due to a whole host of
social, economic and psychological reasons. It's not solely because of
the first grade."
Another powerful influence came into play about the same time.
According to Cal State Chico's Cortez, some Latinos, Asians and blacks
on the committee began to complain that California's emphasis on basic
skills had left minority children behind, because most teachers required
the mastery of one skill before a child could learn the next. Students
who did not master the initial skills had to keep revisiting them.
"We felt that these kids, especially kids who did not speak
English, never got around to the actual writing," says Cortez. "We felt
we had to kind of reverse that and focus first on the meaning of a story
and on a child's own writing, and worry about pronunciation and sounds
and spelling later. That's where invented spelling came from. There was
a lot of discussion about what we should do about all the parents who
were adamant about having their children learn to spell. We decided we
had to educate these parents about how children really learn, which is
by miscuing and review."
UNFORTUNATELY, important research was at that moment
re-confirming that just the reverse was true about how children learn to
ad.
[End part 3 - to be continued]
Chuck Beams
Fidonet - 1:2608/70
cbeams@future.dreamscape.com
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