* Forwarded (from: CLIB-SIGTYR) by Lazarus Long using timEd 1.01.
* Originally from Lazarus Long (350:2/100.1) to All.
* Original dated: Nov 09 '95, 01:43
Cont. from part 1
The authors examine in detail the constellation of factors, gleaned from
laboratory research and elsewhere, that can affect children's testimony.
These include:
* Interviewer bias -- when the interviewer (parent, therapist,
investigator) believes he or she knows what happened and attempts
to get the child to confirm it, ignoring anything the child says
that does not conform with the interviewer's bias and encouraging
anything that does.
* Repeated questions -- children, especially younger children, are
more likely to change their answers when asked the same yes or no
question repeated during a single interview. Answers from
children to yes or no questions repeated over several interviews
are likely to become more firm and confident, regardless of
whether they are correct.
* Stereotype induction -- children's reports can be influenced by
stereotypes suggested by the interviewer (or by others before the
interview takes place). An interviewer telling a child that "[the
suspect] is a bad man who does bad things" is an example of
stereotype induction. Similarly, children can come to assume and
report bad things about someone they had previously heard
described in negative terms.
* Encouragement to imagine and visualize -- when asked to "think
real hard" about or to visualize events they don't remember,
childrencan come to "remember" and then present a detailed,
coherentnarrative of events that never occurred.
* Peer pressure -- children's reports can be influenced by the
application of peer pressure ("Johnny told me all about it, and
he said you were there, too.") Studies also show that children
can incorporate into their own memories experiences that their
peers told them about, but which they did not witness themselves.
* Authority figures -- children tend to regard adults generally as
all-knowing and trustworthy, which can influence how they
respond to questioning by adults. But they may also be sensitive
to status and power differentials among adults -- an important
issue when children are interviewed by police officers, judges
and medical personnel.
Much of what has been learned about the influence of suggestive
interviewing techniques on children has come from laboratory research, which
the authors acknowledge is not a perfect analog to real-life sexual abuse and
real-life questioning. However, they also note that it would be ethically
impermissible to interview children in the laboratory as intensively as they
have been in real cases, much less to sexually abuse them in the name of
science.
In a chapter on ethical and professional issues, the authors discuss the
roles of mental health professionals as therapists, forensic interviewers and
expert witnesses in cases involving children's testimony. They recommend that
each of those roles be occupied by different people in a given case as each
has a distinctly different job to do.
For expert witnesses, they offer suggestions on how both mental health
professionals and social scientists can be most helpful to judges and juries
(as opposed to the prosecution or defense), recommending that they thoroughly
familiarize themselves with the relevant literature but learn only enough
about the case at hand to assure that their expertise is relevant.
They note that studies have found very little agreement and very low rates of
accuracy among expert witnesses who are asked to evaluate cases and make a
judgment about whether children were or were not abused, and urged that
attorneys and judges "put their feet to the coals, forcing them to provide
scientifically adequate evidence for their interpretations. In light of the
research, to do otherwise would seem akin to accepting the testimony of a
forensic astrologer."
An inquiry into the handling of this case would help determine if the
investigators were using improper techniques (and evidence was rejected by
the courts as being compromised) and if those techniques were part of the
official department protocol. If the investigators were following protocol
and using scientifically invalid methods, then the onus of responsibility
should fall on those who authorised those techniques. If the investigators
were not following protocol, then those investigators should be held
accountable for their actions and dismissed from service. They should also
not be immune to civil action by the former defendants.
Furthemore such an inquiry would enable the Canadian Justice System to
establish firm ground rules for the investigation of large scale or ritual
sexual abuse. There have been many cases reported (McMartin DayCare in
California, Little Rascals Daycare in North Carolina, MartensVille and an
ongoing case in Wenatchee, Washington). In all of the resolved cases the
pattern of events is strikingly similar.
From a report issued by the 1991-92 San Diego County Grand Jury in
California, entitled CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE, ASSAULT, AND MOLEST ISSUES...
"There is a strong belief among many social workers and police that children
never lie about abuse, and that children must be repeatedly questioned before
the truth comes out. Other professionals working in the field have concluded
that ideas can be easily implanted in children's minds during interrogation.
The longer the investigation, the more likely that "false" memories will be
implanted. These ideas can be accepted by the child and become false memories
of events in their past. Thus the children are not lying; they are telling
the truth as they remember it to be; but the events never happened."(2)
continued....
Being intelligent is not a felony
But most societies evaluate it
as being at least a misdemeanour
... Those who trade freedom for security, receive neither.
--- timEd 1.01
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* Origin: The Anarchist's Freehold * Free State of Anarchy * (1:247/130.10)
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