//Hi Ilya! //
on *06.10.03* at *16:56:02* you wrote in the area *MOSCOW_OKLAHOMA*
a message to *Bo Simonsen*
about *"Churchill"*.

 IK> ===Cold War International History Project Telegram by Soviet N. Novikov
 IK> to Moscow, 27 September 1946

 IK> "Churchill's speech in Fulton  calling for the  conclusion  of  an
 IK> Anglo-American military alliance for the purpose  of  establishing joint
 IK> domination over the world..."

 IK>   Including the preventive  atomic war  against the USSR. When the
 IK> nuclear weapon was created   in  USSR,   Churchill had changed his
 IK> opinion on some things.

I guess it will be interesting to aquaint with this well-known speech. It is
quite long, but deserves to be known by generation of today.

==============================================
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the
President of the United States of America: 

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am
complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose
reputation has been so solidly established. The name
"Westminster" somehow or
other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now
that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large
part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other
things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any
rate, kindred establishments. 

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private
visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United
States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not
recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and
magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing
this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps
some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I
am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and
faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail
myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private
ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my
wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or
status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but
what you see. 

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over
the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and
to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much
sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of
mankind. 

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of
world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy
in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you
look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you
must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is
here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore
it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the
after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose,
and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the
English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we
shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. 

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation
they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all
strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought.
What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It
is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all
the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I
speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the
wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his
wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord,
or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. 

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt
marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the
ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the
bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of
Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in
the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty
States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk
are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all
distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp. 

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually
happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when
famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated
sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the
common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed
on that. 

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all
strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next
step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world
organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war.
UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the
United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure
that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a
force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple
of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not
merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances
of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple
is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see
with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we
persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the
interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common
purpose in the end. 

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts
and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and
constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be
equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go
step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and
States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the
service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and
prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one
country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but
with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own
nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization.
This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I
wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it
may be done forthwith. 

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust
the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States,
great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in
its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still
agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds
because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are
present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have
slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or
neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear
of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon
the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination.
God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to
set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even
then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a
superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of
employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is
truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary
practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be
confided to that world organizations. 

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which
threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We
cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens
throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in
a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these
States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of
all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary
to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without
restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a
privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when
difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of
countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to
proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of
man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which
through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and
the English common law find their most famous expression in the American
Declaration of Independence. 

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have
the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret
ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which
they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of
justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer
laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are
consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which
should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and
American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice
what we preach. 
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the
people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which
are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny
are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the
next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught
in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond
anything that has yet occurred in human experience. 

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and
distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass
and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human
crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an
age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a
great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is
enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful
abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in
justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement. 

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all
strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say.
Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world
organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal
association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship
between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America.
Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the
precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and
mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but
the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers,
leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and
manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at
technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present
facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force
bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would
perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would
greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and
as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use
together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint
care in the near future. 

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion
of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the
Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been
made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the
British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus
only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and
simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may
come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common
citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched
arm many of us can already clearly see. 

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special
relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be
inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply
that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization
will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special
United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are
the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We
British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual
Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of
Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are
concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with
Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year
1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent
war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a
world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are
many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations
which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no
design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being
harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. 

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all
countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other
particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if
they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and
charity towards each other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read
here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as
friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each
other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be
built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again
unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school
of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been
released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming
wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings
upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time
may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along
until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of
I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries
can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the
world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations
of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure. 

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory.
Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization
intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their
expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard
for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin.
There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also --
towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many
differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the
Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all
possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among
the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all,
we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between
the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my
duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them
to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present
position in Europe. 

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has
descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the
ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna,
Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the
populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are
subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high
and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone --
Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election
under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish
Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon
Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and
undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small
in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and
power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain
totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case,
and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. 

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which
are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow
Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a
quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special
favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last
June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an
earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of
nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this
vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered. 

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a
pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties
in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power
of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western
Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts
they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up.
Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace. 

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe,
from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of
the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or
which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have
seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against
arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have
seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the
victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation
have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its
young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation,
wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with
conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of
the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a
course of policy of very great importance. 

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for
anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to
support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory
at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the
balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France.
All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest
hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far
from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns
are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the
directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British
Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the
Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to
Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the
morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the
cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them
squarely while time remains. 

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The
Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely
favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say
that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945
and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further
18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so
well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do
not need to expatiate on the situation there. 

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and
in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the
Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of
the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things
that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that
situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now.
In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were
over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or
feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the
present time. 

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is
inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our
fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the
future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the
opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What
they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power
and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is
the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom
and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and
dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be
removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a
policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is
delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.


From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am
convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for
weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a
balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on
narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western
Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be
immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of
falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away
then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. 

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and
to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even
1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken
here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon
mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action
than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could
have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and
Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would
listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely,
ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again.
This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good
understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the
United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding
through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking
world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer
to you in this Address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of
Peace". 

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth.
Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply,
of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have
difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of
passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark
years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not
suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of
Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way
of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of
the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with
all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe
and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering,
precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure.
On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we
adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in
sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no
arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material
forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the
highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century
to come.
==============================================


Bye ..
               Roman Lyubchak


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