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| subject: | (1/4) From Cold War To Holy War |
- From Cold War to Holy War The war was about eliminating the will of any state to defy US global intentions, which neo-conservatives define as faith-based benign hegemony By Henry C K Liu 05/12/03: (Asia Times) Barely a decade after the end of the Cold War between the two superpowers, the world has entered decidedly into an age of Holy War between the sole remaining superpower and minor states deemed by it as rogue. The US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, billed as part of a "war on terrorism", were essentially the remote unleashing of overwhelming military power on defenseless minor states. One unique characteristic about this new Holy War is that it seems to be open ended, that while major combats have ended, or never even took place, victory remains not at hand in the near future. In fact, the US itself refers to these one-sided military operations as "battles in an on-going war on terrorism". That of course is the nature of religious wars. Another unique aspect is that while many governments around the world opposed or at least disapproved of US unilateral use of force, none came to the aid of the victim states. The war against Iraq was not about oil, or about keeping oil denominated in dollars. These objectives, while not trivial, can be achieved by means other than war. The war was about eliminating the will of any state to defy US global intentions, which neo-conservatives define as faith-based benign hegemony. It was above all a warning of similar fate to all who would be foolish enough to follow the footsteps of the Taliban or Saddam Hussein and stand in the path of America's march toward its strategic objective of establishing a world order based on US imperium through preemptive war. Taken at face value, the war as explained by the White House is part of a US strategy to spread democracy, to safeguard freedom and to reinstate popular control of national resources and destiny around the world. Americans generally understand democracy to mean a representative form of government based on majority rule with minority rights, administered by elected officials of fixed terms, with separation of powers between the executive, legislative and judiciary branches, and the institution of peaceful change of administrations through general elections. The American notion of freedom focuses on freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of association and freedom to disagree with and oppose government policies through legal means. Associated with these political freedoms are institutions of free enterprise and free markets. Any nation deemed deficient in any of these characteristics is fair game for regime change through the application of overwhelming military superpower, unless it possesses credible counterattack deterrence. The Bush administration's neo-conservative view of terrorism is that it has become the major threat to US national security. This view is understandable since the September 11, 2001 attacks. Less understandable is its assertion that terrorism is caused by a lack of democracy and freedom associated with domestic oppression, and not by neo-imperialism and the poverty it creates. Curiously, the US domestic recipe for fighting terrorism requires the suspension of civil liberty. Furthermore, terrorists are deemed to be enemies of democracy and freedom. Thus only half the objective of a preemptive war has to do with the elimination of weapons of mass destruction from the control of "rogue states", the other half has to do with the forceful spread of democracy and freedom around the globe to strike at the root of terrorism. The grand strategy of US neo-conservatism is to bring the full force of US superpower to bear on the crusade to spread democracy and freedom around the world, through regime changes by military force if necessary. Unilateralism is justified by moral imperialism. Just as neo-liberal globalization of free trade sweeps aside economic nationalism, neo- conservative globalization of democratization and liberation aims to sweep aside national sovereign and a world order that has operated since the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. Notwithstanding that such views on terrorism may be simplistic and misguided, that others, including many Americans as well as previous US administrations, view terrorism as last resort reaction from the disfranchised, the persecuted, the defenseless, the exploited and the desperate poor, the political objectives of the war on terrorism as enunciated by the Bush administration cannot be accomplished by military operations alone. President George W Bush himself acknowledged as much when he announced on May 1 that while the military phases in both Afghanistan and Iraq have essentially been completed, the war on terrorism is expected to be long and challenging. Winning the peace is much more complex than overthrowing governments by force. The US, to make the war on terrorism legitimate, must now deliver democracy, freedom and self-determination to the Iraqi people on their terms, a task that cannot be done with precision cruise missiles and bunker busting bombs released at long distance by remote control. It is a tall order that the US will find almost impossible to fulfill, due to its own internal contradiction. Democracy is compromised when the US occupation authority serves notice that "there is no way" a Shi'ite theocracy would be tolerated in the new Iraq, even when 60 percent of the population are Shi'ites, nor that the Iraqi Communists Party would be allowed to participate in the formation of the new Iraqi regime. While US neo-cons embrace the Straussian notion of the need for theocracy, in direct contradiction of the US constitutional doctrine of separation of church and state, they accept only Judeo-Christian theocracy. The Bush faith-based foreign policy of one world under God is derived from its domestic vision of "one nation under God", notwithstanding that in the Supreme Court's 1961 Torcaso vs Watkins decision, Justice Hugo Black wrote in a foot note: "Among religions in this country which do not teach what would generally be considered a belief in the existence of God is Buddhism, Taoism, Ethical Culture, Secular Humanism, and others." Neo-cons argue that the First Amendment's religion clauses were intended only to prevent the establishment of a national church, and to keep the state from interfering with the church, not to bar religious groups from co-opting the government, notwithstanding Thomas Jefferson's claim that the First Amendment had erected a "wall of separation between church and state". The co-oopting of the US government by the religious right has launched a new religious war, over which even the Pope, whose church has long since retreated from the doctrine of Ceasaropapism, has expressed wariness. It takes a theocracy to start a religious war. On May 2, Bush, in what is generally billed as the beginning of his political campaign for a second term, discussed national economic security in a speech to the employees of the Ground Systems Division of United Defense Industries in Santa Clara, California, a defense company that produces military vehicles and technology that are being used by soldiers in Iraq, including the Bradley Fighting Vehicle and the Hercules Recovery Vehicle. It is not surprising that the president chose the defense sector as a platform to discuss national economic security, given that the Bush White House has reorganized national economic policy under the umbrella of national security, and given that the defense sector is the only growth sector in the stalled economy at this time, despite the fact that the US defense budget is only about 3 percent of the GDP. A day before, the president spoke to the American people from the deck of the homeward bound USS Abraham Lincoln super-carrier off the California coast, a political stunt that caused Senator Robert C Byrd to comment on the Senate floor, "I am loath to think of an aircraft carrier being used as an advertising backdrop for a presidential political slogan, and yet that is what I saw." The president declared that major combat operations in Iraq had ended, and that the US and its allies had prevailed. The world has never doubted that the US superpower would prevail over tiny Iraq, isolated and emaciated by a decade of economic sanctions. Ironically, the fall of Iraq sent a clear message around the world that in this age of superpower holy war, national security lies in the possession of weapons of mass destruction. The US is concerned with Saddam's team of 1,000 nuclear scientists, whom defense officials called "nuclear mujahideen". These scientists, the Defense Department fears, can restart Iraq's weapons program once the crisis passed. Would any new government in Iraq have less reason to possess nuclear weapons after what happened? /CONT/ ---* Origin: < Adelaide, South Oz. (08) 8351-7637 (3:800/432) SEEN-BY: 633/267 270 @PATH: 800/7 1 640/954 774/605 123/500 106/2000 633/267 |
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