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| subject: | Strong Must Rule The Weak - Neo-Cons` Muse |
Strong Must Rule the Weak, said Neo-Cons' Muse
Analysis - By Jim Lobe
WASHINGTON, May 8 (IPS) - Is U.S. foreign policy being run by
followers of an obscure German Jewish political philosopher whose
views were elitist, amoral and hostile to democratic government?
Suddenly, political Washington is abuzz about Leo Strauss, who arrived
in the United States in 1938 and taught at several major universities
before his death in 1973.
Thanks to the oeWeek in Review'' section of last Sunday's 'New York
Times' and another investigative article in this week's 'New Yorker'
magazine, the cognoscenti have suddenly been made aware that key
neo-conservative strategists behind the Bush administration's
aggressive foreign and military policy consider themselves to be
followers of Strauss, although the philosopher - an expert on Plato
and Aristotle - rarely addressed current events in his writings.
The most prominent is Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, now
widely known as ''Wolfowitz of Arabia'' for his obsession with ousting
Iraq's Saddam Hussein as the first step in transforming the entire Arab
Middle East. Wolfowitz is also seen as the chief architect of
Washington's post-9/ 11 global strategy, including its controversial
pre-emption policy.
Two other very influential Straussians include 'Weekly Standard'
Chief Editor William Kristol and Gary Schmitt, founder, chairman and
director of the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), a
six-year-old neo-conservative group whose alumni include Vice President
Dick Cheney and Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld, as well as a number of
other senior foreign policy officials.
PNAC's early prescriptions and subsequent open letters to President
George W. Bush on how to fight the war on terrorism have anticipated
to an uncanny extent precisely what the administration has done.
Kristol's father Irving, the godfather of neo-conservatism who sits on
the board of the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) where a number of
prominent hawks, including former Defence Policy Board chairman
Richard Perle, are based, has also credited Strauss with being one
of the main influences on his thinking.
While the Times article introduced readers to Strauss and his disciples
in Washington, interest was further piqued this week by a lengthy article
by The New Yorker's legendary investigative reporter, Seymour Hersh,
who noted that Abram Shulsky, a close Perle associate who has run a
special intelligence unit in Rumsfeld's office, is also a Straussian.
His unit, according to Hersh, re-interpreted evidence of Iraq's alleged
links to Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda terrorist network and possession
of weapons of mass destruction to support those in the administration
determined to go to war with Baghdad. The article also identified
Stephen Cambone, one of Rumsfeld's closest aides who heads the new
post of undersecretary of defence for intelligence, as a Strauss follower.
In his article, Hersh wrote that Strauss believed the world to be a place
where ''isolated liberal democracies live in constant danger from hostile
elements abroad'', and where policy advisers may have to deceive their
own publics and even their rulers in order to protect their countries.
Shadia Drury, author of 1999's 'Leo Strauss and the American Right',
says Hersh is right on the second count but dead wrong on the first.
''Strauss was neither a liberal nor a democrat,'' she said in a telephone
interview from her office at the University of Calgary in Canada.
''Perpetual deception of the citizens by those in power is critical (in
Strauss's view) because they need to be led, and they need strong
rulers to tell them what's good for them.''
''The Weimar Republic (in Germany) was his model of liberal democracy
for which he had huge contempt,'' added Drury. Liberalism in Weimar, in
Strauss's view, led ultimately to the Nazi Holocaust against the Jews.
Like Plato, Strauss taught that within societies, ''some are fit to
lead, and others to be led'', according to Drury. But, unlike Plato,
who believed that leaders had to be people with such high moral standards
that they could resist the temptations of power, Strauss thought that
''those who are fit to rule are those who realise there is no morality
and that there is only one natural right, the right of the superior to
rule over the inferior''.
For Strauss, ''religion is the glue that holds society together'', said
Drury, who added that Irving Kristol, among other neo-conservatives, has
argued that separating church and state was the biggest mistake made
by the founders of the U.S. republic.
''Secular society in their view is the worst possible thing'', because
it leads to individualism, liberalism and relativism, precisely those
traits that might encourage dissent, which in turn could dangerously
weaken society's ability to cope with external threats. ''You want a
crowd that you can manipulate like putty,'' according to Drury.
Strauss was also strongly influenced by Thomas Hobbes. Like Hobbes,
he thought the fundamental aggressiveness of human nature could be
restrained only through a powerful state based on nationalism.
''Because mankind is intrinsically wicked, he has to be governed,''
he once wrote. ''Such governance can only be established, however,
when men are united - and they can only be united against other people''.
''Strauss thinks that a political order can be stable only if it is united
by an external threat,'' Drury wrote in her book. ''Following Machiavelli,
he maintains that if no external threat exists, then one has to be
manufactured. Had he lived to see the collapse of the Soviet Union,
he would have been deeply troubled because the collapse of the 'evil
empire' poses a threat to America's inner stability.''
''In Strauss' view, you have to fight all the time (to survive),'' said
Drury. ''In that respect, it's very Spartan. Peace leads to decadence.
Perpetual war, not perpetual peace, is what Straussians believe in.''
Such views naturally lead to an ''aggressive, belligerent foreign policy'',
she added.
As for what a Straussian world order might look like, Drury said the
philosopher often talked about Jonathan Swift's story of Gulliver and
the Lilliputians. ''When Lilliput was on fire, Gulliver urinated over
the city, including the palace. In so doing, he saved all of Lilliput
from catastrophe, but the Lilliputians were outraged and appalled by
such a show of disrespect.''
For Strauss, the act demonstrates both the superiority and the
isolation of the leader within a society and, presumably, the
leading country vis-a-vis the rest of the world.
Drury suggests it is ironic, but not inconsistent with Strauss'
ideas about the necessity for elites to deceive their citizens,
that the Bush administration defends its anti-terrorist campaign
by resorting to idealistic rhetoric. ''They really have no use for
liberalism and democracy, but they're conquering the world in the
name of liberalism and democracy,'' she said. (END/2003)
-==-
Source: Information Clearinghouse ...
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3284.htm
Cheers, Steve..
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