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* Copied (from: EDGE_ONLINE) by Steve Asher using timEd/2 1.10.y2k+.
BEWARE OF THE EU
THE FIRST OUTRIGHT CHALLENGE TO AMERICAN POWER
By: Thomas S. Garlinghouse
Although European politics are characteristically disputatious, European
politicians are united by at least one concept: Anti-Americanism. It is
one of the few ideologies that can override factional battles and cause
so many European leaders to join hands in solidarity. Indeed, the open
hostility many European leaders have towards America is well known to
anyone who has followed European politics for any length of time. This
hostility is so fervently held that many view the European Union's sole
purpose as a global counterweight to the United States. Swedish Prime
Minister and EU head Goran Persson was quite clear on this point,
stating, "The EU is one of the few institutions we can develop as a
balance to U.S. world domination."
Viewed in this light, it is hardly surprising that leading EU countries
were major players in spearheading opposition to the war with Iraq.
European opposition to the war was far from a principled, moral position
arrived at after much reflection and soul-searching. Nor was it driven
solely by issues of economic self-interest (although these certainly
played important role as evidenced, for example, by the numerous
business contracts and payment on debt France and Germany stood to
lose if Saddam Hussein's Baathist regime fell). Nor, even further, was
it driven by the fear that war would expose and implicate France and
Germany as major suppliers and developers of Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction (though, again, this undoubtedly played a significant role).
Rather, the EU's opposition to the war was, in the final analysis, the
inevitable manifestation of a long-standing policy of European anti-
Americanism. Indeed, in many ways, it was one of the first attempts by
the fledgling EU to challenge American power on a world stage -- a shot
across America's bow, if you will.
EU nations like France and Germany were especially vociferous in
their opposition to the war. France has long lamented America as a
"hyperpower" and sought ways -- diplomatically and economically -- to
check its influence. French president Jacques Chirac has, on more than
one occasion, spoken of the EU (and the UN) as an effective tool with
which to challenge American hegemony. The war with Iraq presented
Chirac with an opportunity to raise opposition to America and weaken
its international position. This was why Chirac took such umbrage
recently when several Eastern European states lined up solidly behind
the White House's stance on Iraq ("It is not really responsible behavior,"
he said. "It is not well-brought-up behavior. They [the Eastern states]
missed a good opportunity to keep quiet.") Behind his petulant outburst
was a not-so-subtle warning: that Eastern European states'
memberships into the EU could be blocked if they didn't kowtow
to French-German leadership on international affairs.
Germany has been equally enthusiastic in its anti-Americanism. During
the recent German election, Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder campaigned
on a platform of unabashed anti-Americanism, taking every speaking
opportunity to engage in anti-American philippics, warning of the threat
posed to the world by Uncle Sam. Schroeder, of course, wasn't the only
German politician to engage in this kind of rhetoric. The sentiment was
widespread. His conservative opponent, Edmund Stoiber, voiced similar
concerns, claiming that he would not allow American bases in Germany
to participate in the war. Other German bureaucrats have used the Iraq
conflict to attack President Bush personally. A prominent socialist
leader, for instance, compared the American president to Julius Caesar
(the comparison was unflattering). Minister of Justice Herta Deubler-
Gmelin went a step further by comparing President Bush to Hitler.
But anti-Americanism is not expressed solely through inflammatory
rhetoric. For countries like France and Germany, international bodies
like the EU and the UN are concrete tools with which to contest
American power and hegemony. Not too long ago, for example, France
connived with human rights "champions" China and Cuba to toss the
United States off the UN Human Rights Commission. And when
President Bush issued a strongly worded warning to North Korea, an
EU delegation was immediately dispatched to Pyongyang to cozy up to
Kim Jong Il. In the economic sphere, likewise, the EU has
demonstrated a decided hostility toward American business interests.
Disdaining what many Europeans call the "Anglo-Saxon model," which
is nothing more than free-market economics, EU bureaucrats have
routinely obstructed American business ventures. The EU's prohibition
against the General Electric-Honeywell merger a few years ago was one
such attempt -- despite the fact that the merger promised to employ
thousands of Europeans.
The motive force behind much of the EU's anti-Americanism, and of
Europeans in general, is a pervasive leftism. In simplest terms, the
political and cultural Left dominate Europe. Socialists, often in
coalition with communists, run many European governments, and many
of Europe's current leaders were, during the 1960s and 1970s, active
members of Marxist organizations. German foreign minister Joschka
Fischer, for example, was exposed not too long ago as a 1970s Marxist
agitator and street thug. In photographs widely circulated in the German
media, a young Fischer is seen attacking a policeman, kicking and
punching the hapless officer. Former head of France's socialist party
Lionel Jospin, for his part, was a member of a Trotskyist organization as
a young man (a revelation he initially denied before finally admitting).
These individuals are vehemently opposed to such things as free
markets, lower taxes, smaller government, and less regulations. They
are dedicated to preserving the status quo of the welfare state with its
Byzantine regulatory structures, cradle-to-grave social policies, and
myriad restrictive laws. (Although free-market reforms are sometimes
undertaken in these countries, they are done so out of necessity and
only grudgingly accepted.) Of foremost importance, however, is their
almost visceral dislike of the United States -- a nation that, as young
Marxists, they routinely denounced and viewed as the focus of evil in
the modern world.
Even more so than its politicians, the European intelligentsia is solidly
left-wing. Much of Europe's media, schools, and universities are in the
hands of the Left. And among the European Left, anti-Americanism has
long been a state religion -- their raison d'etre. Since America's War on
Terror and its hard stance against Iraq, the European intelligentsia has
ratcheted up its anti-Americanism, literally frothing at the mouth in its
denunciations of American power. British spy novelist - - and inveterate
America-hater -- John Le Carre accused the US of descending into
"madness," and playwright Harold Pinter denounced America as the
"greatest source of terrorism on earth." A prominent British journalist
for The Guardian went so far as to call the United States the modern
"evil empire." A recent, well-received book No Thanks, Uncle Sam, by
French author Noel Mambre, neatly sums up the attitude of Europe's
intelligentsia: "It is appropriate to be downright anti-American."
The war with Iraq provided European anti-Americans with a tailor-made
opportunity to indulge their passions. For politicians, it meant the
possibility of winning elections by playing upon popular prejudices. For
intellectuals, it meant selling books, getting airtime on national
television, and receiving lucrative government subsidies. For the EU, in
particular, it provided an opportunity to differentiate themselves from the
"arrogant," "stupid," "unsophisticated," and
"barbarous" Americans.
Most importantly, however, it provided the EU with an opportunity to
organize a global anti-American bloc, and to challenge American foreign
policy in an attempt to sway world opinion against the United States.
This current state of affairs can largely be understood as the
consequence of events following World War II. In the aftermath of that
horrifying and devastating event, as much of Europe lay in ruins, the
United States, emboldened by its recent victories and buoyed by its
industrial might, assumed the mantle of the West's sole defender. The
United States played this role, with varying degrees of success, during
the Cold War, opposing Soviet and communist expansionism. Europe,
meanwhile, was slowly but inevitably building (with vast amounts of
American help) its shattered institutions. Then, with the crackup of the
Soviet Empire and world communism, the United States was left as the
world's sole superpower -- a position thrust upon it by the vagaries of
history. With Soviet tanks no longer threatening its doorstep, left-wing
ideology without any substantive competition among its intellectual
elite, and its business interests frequently at odds with American
interests, Europe gradually drifted towards inevitable confrontation with
the United States. Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
understood this all too well:
The overarching European project, which was envisaged by some from
the start but which has only in recent years come out into the open,
is in truth a nightmare. . . . Were it [a European superstate] to come
about, another great power would have been born -- equal or nearly
equal in economic strength to the United States. Does anyone suppose
that such a power would not soon become a rival to America? That it
would not gradually discover different interests from the United States?
Despite this, there is reason for optimism. Happily, not all Europeans
subscribe to the anti-Americanism of their bureaucrats and intellectual
elites. Tony Blair, for example, has specifically repudiated anti-
Americanism as a "foolish indulgence." Many Europeans -- especially
those concerned with their workaday lives -- aren't opposed to the
United States. There are numerous Europeans, in fact, who heartily
applaud America's role as world superpower. Moreover, several EU
countries -- like Great Britain, Spain, and Italy -- openly supported
the action against Iraq, whereas others quietly supported it.
Still, anti-Americans constitute a sizable proportion of the EU
bureaucracy. And, with the French and Germans dominating its
leadership, the possibility that outright hostility and opposition to
American policies will be a consistent theme in European politics for
many years to come. The EU's opposition to the war, its first outright
challenge to American power, was simply the beginning.
Perhaps it's time the United States searches for other allies.
"Published originally at EtherZone.com : republication allowed with this
notice and hyperlink intact."
Dr. Thomas S. Garlinghouse is a free-lance writer with a doctorate in
anthropology from the University of California, Davis. He has published
articles in Liberty magazine and History Today. He is a past columnist
for Ether Zone and we welcome him back.
-==-
Source: EtherZone - http://etherzone.com/2003/garl042803.shtml
Cheers, Steve..
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