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authors of the study note, with refreshing candor, that "the primary
subject for the database is the problem employee." Indeed, the negatives
and positives all missed work much more often than the company average.
It's kind of like testing burglars for marijuana and concluding that
--because those who tested positive had robbed a few more houses than
those who did not-- marijuana makes ordinary people more likely to steal.
Moreover, couldn't alcohol, which is often consumed in conjunction with
illegal drugs, contribute to the higher absenteeism of the positives?
None of the employees was tested for alcohol. Of course, tests wouldn't
prove much anyway, since alcohol is detectable in body fluids for only
six hours or so, whereas cocaine persists for two or three days and
marijuana for up to a month. That may be one reason that this and some
other studies fail to consider the possibility that alcohol abuse is
sometimes responsible for misbehavior attributed to illegal drugs.
When I asked Walsh about the flaws in these studies, he replied: "You
could make the same argument about any database in higher research, such
as cancer research, or mental health research." This is an insult to
every scientist in those fields, none of the studies that Walsh touts has
passed peer review (or is likely to), whereas thousands of papers on
cancer and mental health have passed this minimal standard.
Walsh sometimes sounds quite reasonable and "scientific," especially
when he talks about the mechanics of testing. He emphasizes that when a
drug test comes up positive it should be confirmed by a more
sophisticated analysis (a good idea, since poppy seeds, ibuprofen, and
cold pills can trigger false alarms for heroin, marijuana, and
amphetamines, respectively). He also stresses the importance of
maintaining high laboratory standards and confidentiality.
But whenever he ventures beyond the mechanics of testing and tries
to justify the enterprise itself, he shows an odd disregard for facts.
For example, he frequently suggests that drug abuse is rampant not just
in specific sectors of society, but broadly and pervasively. "The
problem of drug abuse is so widespread in America," he declared in a
speech last year, "that every company must assume that its employees will
eventually be faced with a substance abuse-problem of their own, of a
family member, of a co-worker, or of a friend." He always neglects to
mention that NIDA'S own statistics show that the use of illegal
drugs-marijuana, cocaine, PCP, the whole lot--has been declining sharply
for years. Severe cocaine addiction (daily use) has increased, but
primarily among the unemployed, who are beyond the reach of workplace
testing.
I asked Walsh whether he thought that, given these data, his efforts to
promote workplace testing might be misplaced. "I think drug abuse has
gone down because of these workplace programs," he replied. I pointed
out--again according to NIDA's data--that the decline began in 1979, well
before testing had caught on. Then Walsh asserted that, whether or not
drug use has declined among workers and whether or not severe addiction
occurs largely among the unemployed, there are still an estimated 10
million working people who are using illicit drugs, and they represent a
"much bigger problem than the few hard core...... The concept is to
eliminate illegal drug use," he said, "not just to focus on those who are
addicted."
This sentiment, of course, lies at the core of all of Walsh's uninformed
claims. He adheres to the zero-tolerance line, which doesn't discriminate
between use and abuse, between a secretary smoking marijuana on weekends
and an AIDS-ridden prostitute smoking $100 worth of crack a day. From
this perspective, drug testing--which also fails to discriminate between
casual and chronic user--makes sense.
But then, Walsh does believe that even occasional marijuana use can have
devastating effects. "I think we have reached the point where the
involvement of marijuana in accidents exceeds that of alcohol," he said.
Where is his proof for this dramatic statement? He doesn't have any, but
"it's one of the things in my research program we're trying to do right
now." Note the procedure: Walsh reaches his conclusion first, then sets
out to prove it.
As a scientist, Walsh is probably in over his head. He has testified to
having "over twenty years of experience (fifteen years in the laboratory)
in research on the physiological and behavioral effects of psychoactive
drugs." Well, sort of. Before joining NIDA in 1980, Walsh spent fourteen
years at the Naval Medical Research Institute studying what might be
called underwater altered states. For his Ph.D., which he received from
American University in 1973, he studied nitrogen narcosis ("rapture of
the deep"). Typical of his pre-NIDA publications is a paper about what
happens to mice when they are given morphine under "hyperbalic abnormally
high] pressure" and an article called "Should Divers Take Drugs?"
published in something called Faceplate.
On the other hand, if you view Walsh not as a scientist but as a
propagandist, you have to admit he has done his job well. A decade ago
virtually no companies had testing programs. Now a majority --including
such bastions of liberalism as The New York Times-- test employees, job
applicants, or both. Walsh can't take all the credit, but he certainly
has done his part. Perhaps that is why he remains so strangely sanguine
when confronted with all the inconsistencies in his logic. He has already
won the day. "Drug testing," he says with pride, "is here to stay."
JOHN HORGAN writes for _Scientific American_.
(This article was published in The New Republic, April 2, 1990)
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* Origin: Who's Askin'? (1:17/75)
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