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| subject: | Re: Catholics Will Do Everything Possible To Prevent Homosexual Civil U |
From: No One
"John D.Wentzky" writes:
> "No One" wrote in message
> news:87odmkiq20.fsf{at}nospam.pacbell.net...
> > "John D.Wentzky" writes:
> >
> >> "No One" wrote in message
> >> news:87k5x81zdp.fsf{at}nospam.pacbell.net...
> >> > "John D.Wentzky"
writes:
> >> >
> >> >> "No One"
wrote in message
> >> >> news:87fy7xiaj4.fsf{at}nospam.pacbell.net...
> >> >> > "John D.Wentzky"
writes:
> >> >> >
> >> >> >> "thomas p."
wrote in message
> >> >> >>
news:1174542611.921031.259270{at}l75g2000hse.googlegroups.com...
> >> >> >> > On 21 Mar., 18:23, "John D.Wentzky"
> >> >> >> >
> >> >> >> > wrote:
> >> >> >>
> >> >> >> > And your point would be? Nobody
argued that they agreed with
> >> >> >> > every
> >> >> >> > decision the court makes, only that
the court has the right to
> >> >> >> > determine the constitutionality of
laws in cases brought before
> >> >> >> > it.
> >> >> >>
> >> >> >> They can only determine something to be
unconstitutional if it
> >> >> >> violates the Constitution. Check the
Separation of powers
> >> >> >> requirement that was violated by the USSC
in 1973 in roevwade.
> >> >> >
> >> >> > "Separation of powers" does not mean
"Wentzky agrees with the
> >> >> > decision."
> >> >>
> >> >> It means the USSC had no authority to override
Texas' or any other
> >> >> State's
> >> >> non-roevwade position.
> >> >
> >> > "Separation of powers" means no such thing.
> >>
> >> RoeVWade-speak?
> >
> > No, "Marbury v. Madison" speak.
>
> Are you always so easily detected when you participate in suberfuge.
Are you always so ignorant of U.S. history?
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marbury_v._Madison>
The power of judicial review is often thought to have been
created in Marbury but the general idea has ancient roots. The
idea that courts could nullify statutes probably has its roots
in Chief Justice Edward Coke's 1610 opinion in Dr. Bonham¡Çs
Case, 8 Co. Rep. 107a. That decision arose under a statute of
Parliament enabling the London College of Physicians to levy
fines against anyone who violated their rules. The College
accused a doctor of practicing without a license and fined him
accordingly. Coke found that their statutory powers violated
"common right or reason" because "no person should be a judge
in his own case."[7] Sir Edward Coke Sir Edward Coke
The idea that courts could declare statutes void waxed and
then waned in England, but it was well known in the American
colonies and in the bars of young states, where Coke's books
were very influential. The doctrine was specifically enshrined
in some state constitutions, and by 1803 it had been employed
in both State and Federal courts in actions dealing with state
statutes.[8][9]
Some legal scholars argue that the concept of judicial review
and the legal basis for it predate the case, and that Marbury
merely formalized it. For example, Saikrishna Prakash and John
Yoo argue that during the ratification of the Constitution,
"[N]o scholar to date has identified even one participant in
the ratification fight who argued that the Constitution did
not authorize judicial review of Federal statutes. This
silence in the face of the numerous comments on the other side
is revealing."[10]
However, it is important to note that nothing in the text of
the Constitution explicitly authorized the power of judicial
review, despite persistent fears voiced by Anti-federalists
over the power of the new Federal court system.
The concept was also laid out by Hamilton in Federalist
No. 78:
If it be said that the legislative body are themselves
the constitutional judges of their own powers, and
that the construction they put upon them is conclusive
upon the other departments, it may be answered, that
this cannot be the natural presumption, where it is
not to be collected from any particular provisions in
the Constitution. It is not otherwise to be supposed,
that the Constitution could intend to enable the
representatives of the people to substitute their will
to that of their constituents. It is far more rational
to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an
intermediate body between the people and the
legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the
latter within the limits assigned to their
authority. The interpretation of the laws is the
proper and peculiar province of the courts. A
constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the
judges, as a fundamental law. It, therefore, belongs
to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the
meaning of any particular act proceeding from the
legislative body. If there should happen to be an
irreconcilable variance between the two, that which
has the superior obligation and validity ought, of
course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the
Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the
intention of the people to the intention of their
agents.
Now, you were saying?
> > As "The Chief Instigator" pointed
> > out, the issue was settled 200 or so years ago.
>
> It wasn't settled by a roevwade court.
> And, roevwade isn't settled.
You were talking about the ability of the Supreme Court to declare state
laws unconstitutional.
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